While officially Islamic tenets supposedly guided these policies, in reality Islam was simply a tool of Realpolitik. This disenfranchisement occurred, in the case of liberal Muslims, through the normalisation of orthodox discourse, and in the case of non-Muslims, through constitutional amendments which systematically limited the rights of non-Muslim citizens.
It demonstrably shows how in theory Islam is often called upon to guide the use of political power and how in practice it is used to legitimise power and justify pragmatic politics. As Samina Yasmeen , p. So far this essay has only discussed the relationship between Islam and political power in a domestic political environment.
Equally important though is the relationship between Islam and political power in international relations. As has been shown in the case of Pakistan, Islamic discourse is used by political actors to legitimise actions and policy made for largely political, rather than Islamic purposes.
However, although there is a tendency in mainstream International Relations scholarship to think of the state in anthropomorphic terms Wight , we cannot simply assume that the relationship between Islam and political power within Islamic states is fundamentally the same as the relationship between Islam and political power in international politics. To understand how the relationship between Islam and political power plays out in international affairs, we must then analyse the behaviour and policies of Islamic states in the international context.
Importantly, the place of Islamic rhetoric in Iranian foreign policy extends far beyond the simple condemnation of those Iran perceives as enemies. Just as in the case of Pakistani domestic politics discussed earlier, the relationship between Islam and political power here works on two distinct levels.
Given the theocratic nature of the Iranian state, there is little need to elaborate further on the official relationship between Islam and political power in the creation of foreign policy. The rhetoric highlighted above further supports this idea. The scandal involved the US government selling arms to Iran and using the funds raised to back the Contra rebels of Nicaragua. The sale of weapons to Iran, in violation of an official US arms embargo that was in place at the time, was mediated through Israel.
For Iran, the purchase came at the height of the Iran-Iraq War and was simply a pragmatic way of acquiring much needed war supplies in the face of an arms embargo. Thus, as Barbara Rieffer-Flanagan , p. While the case of the Iran-Contra Affair does show that in foreign affairs realist considerations trump Islamic considerations, it does not explain why Iran would bother to use Islamic rhetoric in its foreign policy in the first place.
Indeed, the use of Islam as a tool of foreign policy seems somewhat futile given that, unlike within an Islamic state where it can be safely assumed that the majority of citizens are Muslims and will thus respond in some way to Islamic rhetoric, the majority of states in the world are not Islamic, nor necessarily sympathetic to Islam in any way. What then is the usefulness of Islamic rhetoric in foreign policy?
If we turn back to domestic politics this can be explained quite easily. Rieffer-Flanagan , p. Of course, to argue that the use of Islam in foreign policy is always intended for a domestic audience would be an oversimplification.
It would also be inaccurate as there are numerous examples of Islam being used in foreign policy for reasons which cannot simply be put down to the domestic consumption argument. An excellent example of this can be seen in the case of Islamic states financially promoting Islamic groups and organisations internationally.
This is a relatively common form of foreign policy for Islamic states to pursue and cannot be explained solely in terms of domestic politics. The most common method through which this form of Islamic foreign policy is pursued is the funding of schools, universities and cultural institutions in foreign countries.
Controversially, much of this funding has gone towards mosques and schools for the promotion of Wahhabism, the puritanical branch of Sunni Islam which is dominant in Saudi Arabia. Muslims in some countries surveyed in South Asia and the Middle East-North Africa region are more likely than Muslims elsewhere to consider suicide bombing justified.
Elsewhere in these two regions, even fewer say this tactic can be justified. Parliamentary elections were held in November through January , and the Islamist Freedom and Justice Party was declared the winner of a plurality of seats in January The survey in Tunisia was conducted Nov. The Islamist party Ennahda won a plurality of seats in the Constituent Assembly elections in October , and the Constituent Assembly met for the first time in November About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world.
It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts. Newsletters Donate My Account.
Research Topics. Religious Freedom Muslims generally say they are very free to practice their religion. Islamic Political Parties In most countries where the question was asked at least half of Muslims rate Islamic parties as better than, or about the same, as other political parties. Suicide Bombing In most of the 21 countries where the question was asked few Muslims endorse suicide bombing and other forms of violence against civilian targets as a means of defending Islam against its enemies.
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